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Liberalism in Australian national politics.

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RESEARCH NOTENumber 27, 2001-02ISSN 1328-8016 Liberalism in Australian National Politics Liberal values do not necessarily stand for with the policies of parties that accept identified themselves as 'Liberal'.1 Parties and individuals from across the political spectrum have often expressed liberal principles in contesting the claims of their opponents.

Liberalism The cardinal value of liberalism is liberty of the individual. The chief responsibility of government is understood every bit the promotion of conditions in which individuals can savor liberty. To this end liberals support: • the recognition of liberty of

association and expression • the importance of the ownership of private property in securing individual freedom and curtailing

government ability • a democratic polity as a recognition that individuals are served by government and not vice

versa

• the rule of law, and • a organization of constitutional checks and balances on government ability.

Sceptics and Progressives However, liberals differ on the proper telescopic of government. Classical liberals such every bit John Locke, Adam Smith, Herbert Spencer and Robert Nozick accept taken a sceptical view of government, arguing that information technology should non involve itself in any activities beyond: • the maintenance of national

security confronting external threats • the maintenance of domestic social club, and • the provision of public goods that

private enterprise and cooperation are unable to generate. Modern liberals such every bit T. H. Dark-green, L. T. Hobhouse and John Rawls have viewed government as a potentially

'progressive' bureau. Progressives argue that government ought to provide services to those in demand. Government is seen as properly providing resources with which the disadvantaged might fully develop their lives. Sceptics distrust authorities equally a collective and coercive institution. Progressives counter that sceptics do not acknowledge that liberty is infringed as much through poverty and social constraints (such as the opinions of large majorities), as those imposed by government.

Australian Liberalism The tension between sceptical and progressive versions of liberalism was apparent from the first years of Federation. George Reid's Free Traders and the Protectionists, led by Edmund Barton, both identified themselves every bit liberals, only disagreed over the proper extent of Commonwealth power.

Both parties rejected the Australian Labor Party's proposal to implement a authorities of directly taxation. Notwithstanding, Gratis Trade and Protectionist liberals disagreed on the levels at which tariffs, the major source of Commonwealth acquirement, ought to exist set. The Protectionists exemplified progressive liberal principles, in that protection provided: • the Commonwealth government

with funds to comport out its social duties of helping disadvantaged members of the community to amend themselves • security for fledgling Australian

industries • adequate standards of living for Australian employees, and • funds to maintain the states as

proposed by the Constitution. The Costless Traders took the view that lower tariffs:

• encouraged economic prosperity for all (including the working classes) through the efficient deployment of resources

• encouraged individual genius and moral responsibility through competition, and

• immune the government to provide services to equip individuals for private enterprise (particularly in teaching).

The third indicate provides clear evidence of progressive strains of liberalism even in the otherwise sceptical Gratis Merchandise position.

The Protectionists were the strongest of the non-Labor parties and were closer to Labor on matters of economical policy than were the Gratis Traders. Fifty-fifty when Reid's Costless Trade political party briefly formed authorities in 1904, information technology required the back up of a Protectionist faction. This, together with the location of the first Commonwealth Parliaments in the Protectionist stronghold of Victoria, set the scene for domination of non-Labor politics by progressive liberalism in the first seventy years after 1901.

Elements of sceptical liberalism emerged with the State Party at the end of the 2nd decade. The Country Political party supported the reduction of tariffs, free international trade and the emptying of toll fixing. However, it confined the focus of its policies to agricultural produce and sought government assistance for its rural constituency — its so-called 'rural socialism'. Robert Menzies' 'Forgotten People' broadcasts of 1942 confirmed progressive liberalism as the dominant class of Australian liberalism. Menzies supported a complimentary market and individual freedoms, but also acknowledged the role of

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government in providing for 'freedom from want' and education. A more sceptical liberal agenda emerged in the policies of the Labor governments of Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. These included dismantling merchandise barriers, and distancing government from the provision of services, through privatisation and outsourcing. The pursuit of a costless merchandise agenda has continued under Coalition governments led past John Howard in deregulating labour markets and a commitment to indirect revenue enhancement. This said, still, Commonwealth taxation revenue both as a proportion of Gross Domestic Product and in real terms per capita remained at relatively high levels through the 1990s.

Constitutional Liberalism The say-so of progressive liberalism in economic matters through most of Australia's history has not translated into an unrestrained trust in regime powers. Australian liberalism has consistently defended checks upon the power of the national executive.

Liberal values are axiomatic in: • the recognition of the authoritative responsibilities of u.s.

• the maintenance of an effective bicameralism, specially the equal representation of States in the Senate • the beingness of mechanisms by

which governments are held accountable to the electorate such as an effective opposition and free media, and • the distancing of government

corporations such as the Republic Bank and the Australian Broadcasting Commission from direct authorities command. Non-Labor parliamentarians accept mostly been more consistent in supporting the principles of

federalism than their Labor counterparts. For case, the Liberal Party of Australia consists of autonomous Country and Territory divisions and its constitution asserts a articulate stardom between organisational and parliamentary branches of the party. Nonetheless, the Chifley Government's introduction of proportional representation for Senate elections in 1948, and Labor's defense of the right to associate against the Menzies government'due south attempt to proscribe the Communist Party of Australia in a 1951 referendum, are as well important affirmations of liberal principles.

Challenges to Liberalism National governments in Commonwealth of australia have non always pursued policies that recognise liberal values. For over one-half of our history, indigenous people were excluded from the political institutions that govern the national community, and eligibility for immigration was ofttimes adamant on racial grounds.

Australians have been subject to compulsory armed services preparation and conscription, the proscription of economic and political organisations, compulsory omnipresence at polling booths, and proposals to centralise authorities. Some of these policies have arisen from illiberal collectivist motives simply others have been justified past emergencies such as war or the threat of sedition. Information technology is in keeping with the principles of liberalism for governments to adopt 'extreme' measures for the security of individuals against external and internal threats. Withal, it is incumbent upon them non to interfere with civil liberties or override checks upon their powers to a greater degree than is necessary. In fact, the

tendency not to recognise pressing domestic or international threats, and a reluctance to prefer an emergency ground, is amidst the weaknesses to which liberalism is prone. In Australia, the successful expansion of the sphere of authorities activity, when it has not been in response to direct threat, has often appealed, non to a commonage public adept, but to the shared interests of a community of individuals. For example, the public provision of health and pedagogy is justified non in terms of imposing a single condition upon society, but equally providing every private with an opportunity for self-development. Liberal values occupy a fundamental place in Australian politics, although the precise policies entailed by these values remain under contest. In so far as these values prevail, Commonwealth of australia merits description as a community of self-confident individuals who are tolerant of differences in others.

1. This Research Note summarises a large trunk of literature on liberalism. See, for example, I. Cook, Liberalism in Australia, O U P, Melbourne, 1999; G. Melleuish, A Short History of Australian Liberalism, C I Due south, Sydney, 2001; R. G. Menzies, The Forgotten People, Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1943; J. Nethercote, ed, Liberalism and the Australian Federation, Federation Press, Sydney, 2001; Y. Thompson, G. Brandis, T. Harley, eds, Australian Liberalism: The Continuing Vision, Liberal Forum, Melbourne, 1986.

Glenn Worthington Politics and Public Assistants Grouping Information and Research Services 19 February 2002 Views expressed in this Research Note are those of the writer and practise not necessarily reflect those of the Data and Research Services and are not to be attributed to the Section of the Parliamentary Library. Research Notes provide concise analytical briefings on issues of involvement to Senators and Members. As such they may not canvass all of the key issues. Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional person legal opinion.

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